Kosareva l.m. evolution of the picture of the world (Middle Ages - modern times). Christian religious outlook

"Culture in the Middle Ages" - 4- Art. The time frame of the era - V-XV centuries. Giordano Bruno. Art culture Middle Ages Contradictory image of the era. Medium. The priority of socio-cultural values ​​of the Middle Ages. 5- Politics. 2- Religion. And immersed in a dream in the past, I see again the greatness of chivalry and the brilliance of the Middle Ages. Ages.

"Culture of the Middle Ages" - Safety briefing. What works of medieval authors are included in the golden fund of world culture? What worried medieval poets and artists? Work plan. What was the function of the buildings? Division into groups. What educational institutions existed in medieval Europe?

"Culture of the Middle Ages" - Gothic style in architecture. The art of "language in stone" is the destiny of the common people. The action began with a prologue. The main genre of painting is an icon. Music of the Middle Ages. Used blue, red, yellow colors. The main features of castle building: Gothic style - the second great style of the Middle Ages.

"The Age of the Middle Ages" - Technical achievements in the era of the Middle Ages. Caravel. What era preceded the Middle Ages? Powder. What invention was first used only for fireworks? What century did the Middle Ages begin with? Primitive world. Collar. When did the first humans appear on Earth? Cathedral. Technical advances in military affairs.

"Medieval culture" - "Gothic manner". To study deeply and comprehensively the material about medieval literature and art. Fire and blood. Prayers. Stone. "The Tragedy of the Person of Christ". Hypotheses and solutions. "Carolingian Renaissance". The Gothic style is temperamental and dramatic, just like the busy life of a medieval city. Roman era.

Slides captions:

Medieval city world
The authors of the project: students 6 - In the class Head: Troshenkova O.K.
Objective of the project:
Studying the life of a medieval city. Tasks: To study the literature on this topic Refer to Internet resources
In the X - XI centuries. the revival of some old and the emergence of new cities began in Western Europe, which, although they originated on the basis of the old Roman ones, differed significantly from them. First of all, they were economic centers - centers of crafts and trade.
The largest number of cities was in Italy (half of the population were city dwellers) and Flanders (2/3 of the inhabitants were city dwellers). Medieval cities were usually small - 1-3 thousand inhabitants.
The obligatory elements due to which a settlement could be considered a city were walls, citadels, Cathedral, market Square. Also in the cities there could be fortified palaces-fortresses of feudal lords and monasteries.
Cities were rebuilt in concentric circles from the center - a fortress or a market square. The streets were narrow (sufficient only for the rider to pass through), they were not lit, and for a long time they did not have paving stones and sewerage. The houses were rather crowded and had two or three floors. Often the upper floor hung over the lower one, so because of the high cost of land, the foundations were built narrow. For a long time, the cities retained a rural look: gardens and orchards were located near the houses, cattle and poultry were kept in the yard. Outside the walls of the city, the inhabitants had land plots and vineyards. Small livestock (goats, sheep and pigs) often grazed right in the city, and the pigs ate garbage, leftover food and sewage, which were usually thrown directly into the street. To improve the air in houses in the summer, freshly cut grass was scattered on the floor. Over time, special royal and feudal road wardens began to fine residents for the garbage accumulated on the street, which they tried to take out on two-wheeled carts to a landfill outside the city.
The names of the streets were not indicated anywhere (tablets with the numbering of houses, signs or street names carved on stone appeared later, in the 18th century), and residents simply had to memorize them or ask passers-by about the route. Signboards on houses depicting the type of activity of their owner were an important reference point, but they could change, which caused some confusion among infrequent street guests.
Citizens were full citizens of the city. Some produced and traded small items needed by the townspeople and peasants from the surrounding area. Others, richer, traded with regions or countries, buying and selling large quantities of goods. In addition, a significant part of the population was made up of loaders, water carriers, coal miners, butchers, bakers, that is, those who were employed in the service sector.
Seniors and their entourage, representatives of secular and spiritual authorities, i.e. noble people owned the best houses in the city, they had access to city power and, together with wealthy burghers, formed the patriciate-ruling elite of the city. The poorest sections of the urban population were called plebeians. In different cities, plebeians made up from 20 to 70% of the population.
Medieval cities developed as centers of handicraft production. Unlike peasants, artisans worked for the needs of the market, producing products for sale. Everything was made by hand, with the help of simple tools, by one master from beginning to end. Usually the workshop served as a shop where the craftsman sold the things he made, thus being both the main worker and the owner.
Craftsmen of a certain profession united within each city into special unions - workshops. In most cities, belonging to a guild was a prerequisite for doing a craft. For example, the weaver's workshop prescribed the width and color of the fabric being made, how many threads should be in the warp, what tool and material should be used.
Guild charters strictly limited the number of apprentices and apprentices that one master could have, forbade work at night and on holidays, limited the number of machines for one artisan, regulated stocks of raw materials. The members of the guild helped each other learn new ways of crafting, but at the same time they guarded their secrets from other guilds.
The members of the workshop built their own church, school, and celebrated holidays together. The shop was supported by widows, orphans, and the disabled. In the event of a siege of the city, the members of the workshop, under their own flag, formed a separate combat unit, which was supposed to defend a certain section of the wall or tower. This product was called a masterpiece - "The work of hands"
Special respect was enjoyed by people of construction specialties - masons, carpenters, plasterers. The guild organization of handicraft production had both obvious disadvantages and advantages, one of which was a well-established apprenticeship system. The official training period in different workshops ranged from 2 to 14 years, it was assumed that during this time the artisan must go from apprentice and apprentice to master.
Medieval cities always arose on the land of the feudal lord, who was interested in the emergence of a city on his own land, since crafts and trade brought him additional income. But the desire of the feudal lords to get as much income from the city as possible inevitably led to a struggle between the city and its master.
Arising on the lands of the feudal lord, the cities depended on him and were obliged to pay or work off, like a peasant community, a tax. Craftsmen gave away part of their products, merchants paid in goods or money, others worked on corvee or did other work. If a peasant who fled to the city lived in it for a certain period, usually one year and one day, then he became free. A medieval proverb said: "City air makes you free."
In good weather, the townspeople went out into the street, sat on the benches near the porch of the house and chatted with their neighbors. Among the typical leisure activities of the townspeople are boating on the river, walking along bridges and shopping streets, visiting fairs. In addition to overseas goods, the townspeople were attracted to the fair by tightrope walkers, magicians, jugglers, dancers and musicians.
main centers Everyday life the townspeople were the street, the market and the parish church with a cemetery. Outside their area, they were chosen infrequently - only to participate in religious and state holidays and processions, military exercises or mass games. At night, all city gates were closed, and the streets were patrolled by guild squads (those who were late for closing the gates were forced to settle for the night in inns).
In addition to traditional festive processions, there were also processions that were not provided for by the calendar: expiatory processions held by decision of the court or authorities; prayer processions asking for an end to the drought or an end to the flood; thanksgiving processions thanking Heaven for establishing the long-awaited peace; birth of a royal heir.
In the 12th century, mechanical clocks were made in Europe, in the 13th century - large tower clocks, in the 15th century - pocket watches. Watchmaking becomes the school in which the technique of precision engineering was developed.
Cities also changed the way of life of a person of the Middle Ages. So the city dwellers differed noticeably from the village dwellers not only in their occupations. They looked at the world differently, were more energetic, relied mainly on their own strength and were proud of their successes. They knew much more about the world around them, were aware of the main news. The pace of their life was much higher than the rural and not so measured. They were always in a hurry, appreciated the time, it is no coincidence that the first clock appeared in the city. Residents of cities strove for success, tried to get rich, to increase what they inherited. Quite a few in the cities met rogues, adventurers, swindlers, that is, people who were ready to receive the coveted wealth at any cost. In their understanding, wealth gave freedom, and freedom itself was the value of the city.
Information sources:
http://annales.info/evrope/svanidze/crafts.htm http://ukrmap.su/ru http://student.zoomru.ru/ http://ru.wikipedia.org/wiki
http://images.yandex.ru/

Lesson type:

explanation of new material

Plan for explaining new material:

• Medieval man between god and devil.
• Hell, heaven, purgatory.
• The concept of time.
• The concept of space.

MAIN FACTS AND CONCEPTS .

Hell is the place where the souls of sinners reside,

doomed to eternal torment.

Purgatory is a place where the souls of dead sinners

cleansed from sins.

Confession - repentance, disclosure of one's sins before a priest .

The devil is the lord of hell, the head of evil spirits, opposing God .

The Fall - the commission of the first sin by people and their expulsion from paradise .

The Last Judgment is the second coming of Christ. Judgment on the righteous and sinners.

End of the world.

Christianity is a universal ideology. Faith in God the Father, God the Son.

(Christ the Savior) and the Holy Spirit. The concept of hell and heaven, sin and virtue .

Microcosm - man .

Seven deadly sins - sins, having committed one of which, a person could not

to get to heaven.

Virtue is what pleases God and the church. Uplifts the human soul

and helps to reach paradise.

Worldview - a system of generalized views on the world and a person's place in it, on

relations between people and their surrounding reality and themselves, as well as

their beliefs, ideals, principles of knowledge, conditioned by these views.

Chronicle - a sequential record of the most important historical events .

The division of the otherworldly

peace to catholicism .

Purgatory - a place where souls

Hell is the place of residence of the souls of sinners, doomed

Dead sinners are cleansed

to eternal torment

from the unredeemed or in life

sins. Purgatory dogma introduced

in 1439 confirmed in 1562.

Paradise - a place of eternal bliss for the souls of the righteous .

MAIN DATES .

1) 1562 (16th century) - the dogma of purgatory was confirmed by the Vatican.

2) 1439 (15th century) - the dogma of purgatory was adopted.

3) XVII century - an annual church confession was announced, mandatory for all .

PARTS OF THE WORLD .

Asia

Africa

Europe

THE GREAT RIVERS WASHING

EARTH

Tigris Euphrates Ganges Nile

TIME

Peasants Church Warriors

Agricultural Divided time into 2 Calendar of wars and tournaments

calendar: period:

a) sowing time a) from the creation of the world Did not know minutes, hours

b) the time of shoots b) from the birth of Christ

c) harvest time

Didn't know what day or month

Didn't know what it was now They knew what year and day

year, month, day, hour

They did not know the minutes and the Year was divided according to church

seconds holidays

Didn't know the minutes

seconds

Supreme virtues

Faith in God Love for neighbor Humility

Components of Medieval Religion

Christian Pagan

religion religion

R POISON WITH MAN

Guardian Angel Bes

(helped to be virtuous, (pushed to sin, corrupted the soul,

saved the soul, was sent by god) was sent by the devil)

Church People

The concept of the devil

The Devil was created by God so that the Devil is equal in strength to God.

P check the strength of people's faith. There is a war going on between them.

The devil acts with permission for the soul of man.

God. The devil is weaker than God.

Space

Peasants Church Knights

Only three parts of the world knew

They only knew the area around their city well.

AND whether the village

The rest of the places are very poorly known.

They thought that monsters lived there

Afraid of long trips, did not go anywhere

Christian religious outlook

Views of the world

space time

( m ir is an arena, on ko- (They divided the earth into three parts. (Time belongs to God.

which unfolds Each was identified with Time - only a moment of eternity -

struggle between god and religious space. ness. It's divine

devil, good and evil, the Giant world was created bo - time is linearly directed

Christians and pagans - gom (cosmos), included (from the creation of the world to

mi. The world-kingdom of human vice is a small cosmos (Mik - the Last Judgment). Expect-

and greed, only cer - rokosmos). end of the world.

the cow can save him

from death.)

Historical representations

(History has a beginning and an end.

History began with the creation of the world,

its end meant a terrible judgment).

The structure of the world

The habitation of the holy trinity: god-

father, god son, holy son

7 sky

6 sky

5 sky

4 sky

3 sky

2 sky

1 sky

Jerusalem, the center of the world

4 rivers that wash the earth

ladder of salvation

EVOLUTION OF THE PICTURE OF THE WORLD
(MIDDLE AGES -NEW TIME)

Introduction

The objective of this review is to analyze the evolution of general ideas about the physical world from the early Middle Ages to the beginning of the New Age, to identify those intellectual prerequisites that made it possible to move to a mechanical picture of the world in the 17th century. In the review (15), we have shown the difficulties that have arisen in explaining the mechanization of the picture of the world (CM) within the framework of internalism and externalism. The Marxist approach makes it possible to avoid the extremes of vulgar sociologism when referring to the economy as a sphere that ultimately determines the development of ideas. Engels, for example, wrote: “... the philosophy of each epoch has as a prerequisite certain mental material, which was transferred to it by its predecessors… Economics here does not create anything anew, but it determines the type of change and further development of the existing mental material, but even this produces for the most part in an indirect way, while the most important direct effect on philosophy is exerted by political, legal, moral reflections” (6, p. 420).

"Available mental material", i.e. historically established system of knowledge, plays in the development of common representations
about the world an extremely important role: with the help of transform-
The concept of its conceptual means comprehends what the new socio-economic situation brings with it. This, in our opinion, is not taken into account, for example, by representatives of the “social-constructivist” concept of the genesis of science, who are trying to “soften” the classical externalist approach. We have in mind the position of E. Mendelssohn, W. Van den Dehle, W. Schafer, G. Boehme, W. Kron and others.

These authors believe that the basis of the institutionalization of science in the XVIII century. there was a kind of "deal" between science as a social institution and society. This "positivist compromise" consisted in the fact that in exchange for the obligation of non-interference of scientists in the affairs of politics, religion, morality, society guaranteed support new science as an institution.

We cannot agree with this concept for many reasons. With all the seemingly focus of this concept on the history of science, it has little in common with history. Images of philosophers and scientists of the XVII century. modernized by "social constructivists" in the spirit of representatives of the positivism of the XIX-XX centuries. The scientists whose names are associated with the institutionalization of science in England (on this material the authors we are considering build their concept) - Boyle, Glanville, Sprat, Hooke, etc. - were at the same time moral philosophers, and active political and public figures, and theologians . Therefore, the statement of the representatives of the "social-constructivist" concept of the genesis of science that the scientists of England in the 17th century. engaged in science due to the obligation given by them not to invade the "territory" of politics, religion, morality, is devoid of historical grounds.

In this review, we aim to show that, in contrast to the conclusions of the representatives of the “social constructive
stskogo" approach (1) mechanical picture of the world (MCM) as the basis scientific knowledge 17th century was not ethically, politically, religiously neutral; (2) the mechanization of the picture of the world and its social acceptance were not a conscious “deal” between science and society, but naturally followed from the “existing mental material” (Engels), from the available worldview attitudes of post-reformation Europe, indirectly reflecting the socio-economic
sky and political shifts; (3) the value neutralization of the mechanical picture of the world occurs in the methodology of science, but not in the 17th century, but much later, and is formed mainly in the course of the formation of the positivist philosophy of science.

Before proceeding directly to solving this problem and considering the history of the formation of the MCM, it seems necessary to us to state some conceptual considerations.

In cultural and historical terms, the mechanization of CM is an extremely interesting phenomenon that arose in the bosom of European culture and has no analogues in other cultures. Under the mechanization of CM that took place in the 17th century, we mean the displacement of the scholastic idea of ​​the material world as a hierarchically ordered organism, as matter animated "from within" by substantial qualities, a different idea of ​​the world - as a homogeneous inanimate, dead substance, particles of which ( divisible or further indivisible) interact according to purely mechanical laws.

MKM XVII century. asserted the idea of ​​qualitative unity, unification of the entire corporeal world and its rigid subordination to laws emanating from a single divine source. Ancient Eastern cultures did not know the idea of ​​a single God - the Creator and legislator of the material Universe. This idea underlies only the Judeo-Christian KM.

Antiquity, and not only Greek, is familiar with the ideal of a sage, whose developed self-consciousness is able to accommodate the idea of ​​both his own moral and cognitive improvement, and moral responsibility to the entire Cosmos. However, nowhere, except for European culture, this ideal of a developed consciousness was associated with activity for the material world. The goal of the Eastern sage, who knew the "light of truth", was to leave the bodily world - the "dungeon" of the soul, break the circle of birth and death, reunite with his spiritual homeland, the "One", "nirvana", "Brahman".

The ideal put forward by European culture is completely different: a person who has reached a high level of spirituality and self-consciousness does not break with the bodily world, but “works” in it and for it, enlightening and spiritualizing it. This ideal in an emotional-religious form is developed in the Judeo-Christian image of God the Father, who is capable of bringing to life a single material Universe from nothing and govern it as the Creator and legislator.

K. Marx wrote in “Capital” that “ancient social production organisms… rest either on the immaturity of the individual person, who has not yet torn off the umbilical cord of natural ties with other people, or on direct relations of domination and subordination… The limitation of their relations within the framework of the material production process life, which means that the limitations of all their relationships to each other and to nature ... are ideally reflected in the ancient religions that deify nature, and folk beliefs” (1, pp. 89-90).

In this regard, the Christian dogma of the creation of the world from nothing reflects in a converted religious form the stage of separation of man from nature, appealing not to the image of biological generation, but to the image artistic creativity(Tertullian, Augustine). Further, the other side of this dogma (Creation of the world according to the Word) expresses a completely definite ideal of the emerging European culture. This ideal gives the crown of the highest significance not to the semi-conscious, suggestive elements of activity (when, say, the hands of an artisan are “smarter” than his head), but puts forward the idea of ​​the full explication of all stages and aspects of activity in the Word. It aims the personality at such a complete
an expression of creative intent in a word, in which non-verbalized, "implicit knowledge" would have no place at all. According to this ideal, the whole plan, the idea of ​​creation, the whole “concept” of the world is first clearly expressed in the word, and after that it is “clothed” with flesh, “embodied”. It is no coincidence that modern technology arises in culture with just such an ideal, created not so much by improving already known ancient samples, but on the basis of new scientific ideas that have gone through a cycle: concept → design bureau with drawings and full technical documentation → industrial production.

In this regard, we consider important the ideas developed by M.K. Petrov (20; 21). He sees the difference between European culture and the cultures of the East in the difference in their characteristic modes of activity, which he called, respectively, "creativity" and "rationalization". In this context, he calls creativity an activity that takes place under the conditions of the word tradition, all the essential moments of which can be defined in the word. He defines rationalization as the successive accumulation of a new skill at the level of a stable skill, as the improvement of a model given by tradition through trial and error, through endless fine polishing, bringing the original form to perfection (21, p. 166). Rationalization, according to M.K. Petrov, there is a type of activity that is passed down from generation to generation not in words, but in the process of informal communication (father with son, master with apprentice), “silent” common doing (do as I do, do with me, do better than me). The skills transferred in such communication represent the ability to “know with the hands” rather than “know with the mind”, and are characteristic of traditionalist oriental
cultures.

The new that is born in Western culture, according to M.K. Petrov, is the objectification, the objectification of the essence of the matter in the word. In a traditionalist society, it is characteristic, according to M.K. Petrov, the "medical" approach, in which the essence of the matter is not the subject of verbalized knowledge, just as the normal functioning of a healthy organism is not the subject of medicine (its subject is a deviation from the norm, a disease). For the emerging European culture, it is not the comprehension and verbalized expression of deviations from the norm that becomes central, but the norm itself, the essence of any business, behavior. A new cultural attitude towards creative "activity according to the word", notes M.K. Petrov, is captured in the written monuments of the emerging European culture - in the book of Genesis, in Homeric poems, in the writings of Greek philosophers.

It seems to us that the distinction between two modes of activity that M.K. Petrov designates the terms "creativity" and "rationalization", while other researchers - for example, M. Polanyi (45), V.A. Lektorsky (16), - the concepts of "explicit" and "implicit" knowledge, is fundamentally important for considering the specifics of European culture and the genesis of MCM.

Without introducing this distinction, it is impossible to understand the social origins of the opposition between the so-called "free" and "mechanical" arts, which, originating in Antiquity, permeated the entire European Middle Ages until the end of the Renaissance. Activity out of habit, "as if in a dream", semi-conscious, "implicit", non-objectified in thought and word, is extremely low valued by the Greek philosophers. Aristotle wrote that “artisans are like some inanimate objects: although they do this or that, they do it without knowing it themselves (like, for example, fire that burns); inanimate objects ... act by virtue of their nature, and artisans - out of habit ”(9, p. 67). Worthy, according to Aristotle, is the activity not of an artisan, but of a “mentor”, which takes place with full knowledge of the reasons (or essence) and is capable of being clearly expressed in a word.

In terms of four causes (material, active, formal and target), Aristotle described "free" activity, proceeding with a full understanding of its subject, goals, means, as opposed to "action out of habit". This Aristotelian understanding of causality entered the flesh and blood of European culture as a description of self-conscious integral activity in general, labor in general.

Self-consciousness, active construction by the subject of the object of knowledge are the central themes of Western European philosophical thought, with special force sounding in German classical philosophy. The pathos of self-consciousness, the activity of the subject of activity and cognition permeated all the work of K. Marx - starting with his doctoral dissertation on Democritus and Epicurus and ending with "Capital". Following Marx, it can be argued that the idea of ​​the creative power of a self-conscious personality in a transformed form is also reflected in the theological CM, in the image of the Creator creating an organized Cosmos out of nothing. In particular, referring to the theological proofs of the existence of God, Marx wrote that they “represent nothing more than proof of the existence of an essential human self-consciousness, logical explanations of the latter. For example, ontological proof. What kind of being is immediate when we think it? Self-consciousness” (3, p. 98).

In the light of the above conceptual considerations, we will consider the medieval theological CM as an intellectual tradition, starting from which the formation of the CM in the 17th century took place.

Medieval picture of the world

In order to avoid ambiguities in the further presentation due to the fuzzy definition of concepts, we immediately note that the medieval TCM, in addition to God and the material created by him,
The new world included two more created, but immaterial spheres - immortal human souls and nine spiritual hierarchies (angels and demons). Clarity in distinguishing between these spheres is important, in particular, because sometimes a researcher of the mechanistic views of scientists of the 17th century, for example, R. Boyle, is faced with his
sincere belief in demons, incompatible, it would seem, from a modern point of view, with mechanism. Further dive
in the material shows that Boyle distributed MKM only
to the material world. In relation to the world of spiritual hierarchies, he shared the popular in his time Neoplatonic
demonology.

The division of these created spheres is also important
and because it sheds light on the meaning that was invested in the 17th century. to the term "atheist". It was considered not only the one who rejected the Creator of the world, but also the one who rejected at least one of the created immaterial spheres (as, for example, T. Hobbes, who did not recognize the existence of immortal souls).

In order to understand the essence of the problem of corporeality, due to which spears were broken and dramatic collisions developed in the 17th century, we must make an excursion into medieval Catholic theology, in polemics with which the mechanistic vision of the world was largely self-determined.

Not being able to make this excursion any systematic and complete, we will only touch on the interpretation by medieval thinkers of the problem of the corporeal Cosmos and the distinction between the natural and the supernatural (miraculous), referring the reader to the overall picture medieval philosophy, recreated in the fundamental works of P.P. Gaidenko (11), G.G. Mayo-
Rova (17), V.V. Sokolov (22) and other researchers.

Medieval ideas about the corporeal Cosmos. What is the medieval idea of ​​the material Universe, of the corporeal Cosmos? “You can often come across a statement,” writes P.P. Gaidenko, - that Christianity belittled the significance of the carnal (sensual) principle in man; and in a certain sense it is: spirituality in Christianity placed above the sensual. However, this does not exhaust all the originality of the Christian understanding of the relationship between sensuality and spirit in comparison with the ancient pagan one: for in connection with the doctrine of the incarnation of God and the resurrection of the flesh, Christianity elevated the carnal principle to a higher rank than was the case in ... the philosophy of the Pythagoreans, Plato and Neoplatonists” (11, p. 388).

The Christian idea of ​​matter was formed in a polemic with the Gnostic, Neoplatonic denial of corporeality as a vessel of evil, the corporeal Cosmos as a “decorated corpse” (Plotinus). For Christian thinkers, a positive attitude towards corporeality followed primarily from the idea of ​​its creation by the one good God, as well as from the doctrine of the incarnation of the Logos and, as noted above, of the coming resurrection of the flesh.

The soul, wrote Tertullian, cannot appear before the heavenly bridegroom, like a prodigal virgin, naked. “She has her clothes, her adornment and her slave - the flesh. The flesh is the true bride... And no one is as close to you, soul, as she is. You must love her most of all after God... Begin to love the flesh when it has such an excellent artist as its Creator” (quoted from: 25, p. 747). However, according to Tertullian, loving the flesh does not mean indulging its weaknesses, but keeping it pure and whole. “Can you imagine,” he writes, “that God would put into any contemptible vessel the shadow of his soul, the breath of his spirit, the active image of his word, and that he would condemn them to exile in a place of shame” (quoted from: 25, p. 748).

The same pathos, directed against the Manichaean, Neoplatonic denial of the "goodness" of the material world, the flesh, permeated the writings of Augustine. “For him,” writes G.G. Mayo-
ditch, - the cosmos is not the last stage of the emanation of the One, whose weakened and scattered light is almost completely absorbed by the darkness of non-existence - matter (a concept dating back to the Gnostics), but the creation of God, where unity, order and beauty are inherent and immanent properties ... Augustine with such pathos paints the beauty and well-being of the bodily world, which one involuntarily wants to attribute his words not to the era of the beginning of the Middle Ages, but to the Renaissance ”(17, p. 298).

The goal of Christian ascetic asceticism, in contrast to Gnostic asceticism, was not the destruction of the flesh, not mockery of it, but its enlightenment and spiritualization. The following extract from Isaac the Syrian gives an idea of ​​the specifics of Christian asceticism: “The perfection of the whole feat consists in the following three things: in repentance, in purity and in perfecting oneself.

What is repentance? - Abandonment of the former and sadness about him. - What is cleanliness? - Briefly: a heart that has mercy on every created nature ...

What is a merciful heart? - The burning of the heart about all creation - about people, about birds, about animals, about demons and about every creature ... about the dumb, and about the enemies of Truth, and about those who harm it - offer prayers every hour with tears so that they are cleansed and preserved, as well as and about the nature of reptiles, to pray
with great pity, which is aroused in his heart without measure, according to likeness in this to God ”(quoted from: 25, p. 315).

If in understanding the status of the bodily world, representatives of Christian orthodoxy shared a common anti-gnostic position, then on another issue - what is considered natural, and
that supernatural (wonderful) - their views diverged. In this regard, we can single out two main directions from various currents and schools in the theology of the late Middle Ages - the “theology of the divine will” (voluntarist concept) and the “theology of the divine mind”. The origins of the first go back to the doctrine of Augustine, the second is pronounced among the followers of Thomas Aquinas. Let's briefly dwell on each of them.

"Theology of the Will" and "Theology of Reason": Augustinianism and Thomism. Augustine did not work in an era of sustainable existence of culture, but in a transitional time, when Antiquity perished and the Middle Ages arose. And the seal of this extremeness is his picture of the world. Possessing a wealth of ancient philosophical heritage, Augustine, however, renounces the notion central to ancient theologike of the emergence of the material world as some kind of “natural” inevitability, as a leisurely involution, as a majestic process that originates in the intelligible One and ends with the generation of material objectivity.

The material world of Antiquity is the eternal, uncreated "fire" (Heraclitus) or the inevitable, naturally necessary, inexorable consequence of the emanation process (Neoplatonism). It seems to us that the social roots of such a worldview are the amazing stability of the reproduction of the way of life characteristic of Antiquity in general and Greek in particular. This stability made, in the eyes of a person of that era, social relations as natural as natural-cosmic ones, nourishing the ancient moral ideal"life according to
nature."

God ancient philosophy- this is a statuary-motionless mind that "moves" the world not as a Creator morally responsible for its creation, but rather as an impersonal model, a form of forms, an idea of ​​ideas, as the limit of the perfection of all things.

The era of Augustine, the dramatic era of the irreversible collapse of ancient forms of being, ancient culture, demanded a different idea of ​​God. Omnipotence, the will of God, and not just his perfect mind, came to the fore. In this era, when "history has already pronounced its verdict on Antiquity," it was rather necessary, in the words of G.G. Mayorov, “prepare culture for new, disastrous and wandering conditions of existence, rather than desperately cling to fallen idols and irretrievable ideals” (17, p. 234). Under these conditions, the Augustinian picture of the world, emphasizing the divine omnipotence, capable of bringing to life the beautiful bodily Cosmos from non-existence, played an important role as an integrator of the entire culture.

Proceeding from this central idea for him of divine "creation from nothing", Augustine did not draw a fundamental boundary between the natural and the supernatural (miracle). He considered this difference illusory: God endowed all the things we see with such amazing and diverse properties, and they “just do not arouse surprise in us because there are many of them”
(7, part 6, p. 251). According to Augustine, the whole creation, the whole “world is a miracle ... greater and more excellent than everything it is filled with” (7, part 6, p. 262), although people tend to be surprised only by rare and unusual phenomena. In this respect, for example, the gospel miracle of turning water into wine during a marriage in Cana is not fundamentally different from the miracle of turning ordinary grapes into wine. Here Augustine makes a statement that will later play an important role in the formation of the MCM, namely: it is not so much deviations from the norm (monstra, ostenta, portenta) that are worthy of surprise and attention, but the norm itself, the very idea of ​​\u200b\u200bcreation (the habitual movement of the luminaries, normal " functioning" of the universe).

Augustine's "theology of the will" made specific demands on the individual human will. Augustine's theology was born in an "extraordinary", "extraordinary" situation - in the era of the dying of a once flourishing culture, on
soil, "dried up by the hurricanes of wars and invasions and become almost barren" (17, p. 234). Because of this, the Augustinian "voluntarist" concept for the emerging "normal" (in the
new sense), a stable period of development of medieval culture was too "strong", too radical.

“In the Middle Ages,” F. Engels wrote, “to the same extent that feudalism developed, Christianity took on the form of a religion corresponding to it with a corresponding feudal hierarchy” (5, p. 314). The “normal” phase, with its growth in the feudal hierarchization of society, demanded a more balanced doctrine as a socially acceptable, mass ideology. Such a doctrine would have to shift the emphasis from the ideal of personal salvation by faith to socially organized "forms of salvation" entirely controlled by the church.

The ideological goals of the developed Middle Ages were most consistent with the teachings of Thomas Aquinas, emphasizing as the defining characteristic of God not his will (as Augustine did), but (following Aristotle) ​​reason, his perfect wisdom.

“God,” wrote Thomas Aquinas, “is the first cause of all things as their sample(highlighted by us. - OK.). To make this clear, it should be borne in mind that in order to produce a thing, a pattern is needed, i.e. insofar as the product must follow a certain form. In fact, the master produces in matter a certain form in accordance with the pattern he observes, whether it be an external pattern he contemplates or one that is conceived in the bowels of his mind. Meanwhile, it is obvious that all natural creations follow certain forms. But this certainty of forms must be raised as to its origin to the divine wisdom that conceived the world order ... So, God himself is the primary model of everything ”(8, pp. 838-839).

Based on the fact that the defining characteristic of divine activity is the mind, and not the will, Thomas, in a different way than Augustine, solves the question of the natural and the supernatural. In the Thomistic KM the most important moment is the hierarchical ordering of all spheres of the created world - both material and spiritual, each of which has a special "nature". In this CM, animals had their own “nature”, man had his own, each of them had his own (higher than that of man). angelic hierarchies. For this reason, Thomas, for example, did not consider demonic or angelic interventions to be supernatural, since demons and angels also had internal "nature" that gave them their powers. When an immaterial demon, Thomas believed, causes some material action, this action is violent (in the Aristotelian sense) and contrary to the nature of material things. But such an action is not an actual miracle; it is simply unusual. The real miracle must be performed directly by God himself, and not through the mediation of angels (48 a; 1 a; 115,
1-2; 1 a, 117, 1).

According to Thomas, in ordinary, normal conditions, God does not act by himself, but through created, but with full "authority" intermediaries: divine in origin, they act without the direct participation of God. Although God, according to Thomas, is the constant cause of the created world (as the Sun is the constant cause of light), however, in material processes He does not act by himself, but through intermediaries. For example, fire does not burn simply through the direct action of the divine presence, but through its own nature, through a specific force. Thus, the inner "nature" inherent in each stage of being is rather a relatively independently acting agent than an instrument of God's direct activity.

In Thomistic CM, natural forces are part of God's ordained order in the universe. The American researcher K. Hutchison writes about this: “The world functions independently in a normal way with the help of these imprinted forces; but when... the ordinary order is abolished by the absolute power of God, then a supernatural process takes place... an action must be regarded as miraculous only when it is produced directly by God; usually it is done through intermediaries. For this reason, Aquinas does not classify creation as a miracle” (38, p. 305).

K. Hutchison draws a parallel between Thomas' interpretation of God's relationship to the forces of nature and the medieval understanding of status political power king. “According to one widely accepted theory, the king received his temporary power (power) through the mediation of the church, to which that power was previously given by God ... but, having received power, the king could act without permanent reference to the church. However, the church retained the right to override royal actions by direct intervention. So, the relationship between pope and king, drawn by this doctrine, is a surprisingly accurate analog of the relationship between God and nature in scholastic philosophy» (38, p. 306). K. Hutchison considers the medieval theory of "impeto" to be another example of the development of the Thomist idea of ​​the relative independence of natural forces. For Aristotelianism, the movement of projectiles was a traditional problem, since it was clearly "violent" and had no obvious external driving force. The 14th-century "impeto" theory found a solution to this problem by assuming that an artificial motive force could be temporarily "imprinted" into a projectile by a propelling device and could keep the projectile in motion after it had lost contact with the source of propulsion. This force (impeto) was likened to natural force when communicated to the projectile, but at the same time it was considered violent, because it was neither inherent in it nor constantly acting. “In her separation from the source of movement, she reproduced the separation of natural forces from God” (38, p. 306).

Returning to the CM of Thomas Aquinas, it should be noted that it is more rational and less dramatic than the CM of Augustine.

The order of the universe, according to Thomas, is understandable human mind. Its qualities and forms (in the Aristotelian sense) were internal forces ordained by God as the causes of natural processes.

Thomas synthesized the Aristotelian physics of substantial qualities with Catholic dogma and interpretation
sacraments. For our analysis, Thomas' explanation of the sacrament of the Eucharist with the help of the concepts of Aristotelian physics is of the greatest interest.

As we noted above, Christianity, in contrast to Neoplatonism, recognized the incarnation of the Logos in the human body, as well as the sacrament of transubstantiation (the transformation of the body and blood of Christ into bread and wine). This made quite definite demands on the Christian understanding of the material body: matter must be thought of as possessing such qualities that would allow it to perceive the divine form - the Logos. Of all the ancient intellectual heritage, the physics of the "substantial qualities" of Aristotle met these requirements to the greatest extent, and to the least extent - the atomism of Democritus and Epicurus. This circumstance played an important role in the social "acceptance" of Aristotelian physics in the Middle Ages as the basis for the concept of nature. Thomas Aquinas' explanation of the sacrament of transubstantiation on the basis of Aristotelian physics of "substantial qualities" formed the basis of the Eucharistic dogma adopted at the Council of Trent. It is not surprising, therefore, that the criticism of Catholic doctrine by the leaders of the Reformation was at the same time a criticism of Aristotle.

P.P. Gaidenko writes: “Christian theology had to work hard to interpret Aristotle’s teaching in such a way that it would not contradict the dogmas Christian faith. Nevertheless, this problem was solved primarily by Thomas Aquinas and solved so thoroughly that ... Aristotle, whose teaching in the XII century. theologians met with wariness and apprehension, and many, especially among the Franciscans, strongly rejected both in the thirteenth and in the fourteenth century. as incompatible with Christianity, became in the era of the Renaissance and the Reformation, as it were, a symbol of official church orthodoxy ”(11, pp. 452-453).

The teachings of Thomas became the most widespread in the official Catholicism of the late Middle Ages, pushing the teachings of Augustine to the periphery as a guide for exalted natures, thirsting for special ascetic asceticism. Supporters of the Augustian "theology of the will" ("voluntarism") in
XIII-XIV centuries represented a certain opposition to official Thomism. To them P.P. Gaidenko attributes Bonaventure, Walter Van Brugge, the Franciscans Roger Bacon, Peter
Olivi, Dunsa Scotus, and others (11, pp. 420-452).

The mood that permeates the worldview of the neo-Augustinian-Franciscans can be expressed as follows: since the creation of the universe is not a natural necessity, but is caused by the free decision of God, it is a miracle. And one must constantly marvel at this miracle of creation. This mood is clearly expressed, for example, in the so-called "Hymn to Creation" by Francis of Assisi.

According to the Franciscans - "voluntarists", writes P.P. Gaidenko, the will of a person must overcome the state of painful fragmentation into which it fell as a result of the fall, “and become a sovereign mistress in the house of the soul. This direction is acquired in the theology of the Franciscans by the biblical thesis that man is called by God to be master over the entire created world” (11, p. 422).

Another researcher, the American historian of science E. Klaaren, characterizing the voluntaristic theology of the late Middle Ages, sees in it “the beginning of such an orientation in the perception of creation, which (being partly derived from the denial of universals by nominalists) shifts the emphasis in understanding the Creator’s activity rather to the primacy of the divine will than divine mind. In contrast to the rationalized relationship between will and mind, the randomness of creation, its connection with the will of the Creator, was emphasized. If earlier it was assumed that the movements of the will are performed in accordance with the decisive dictates of the mind, now this assumption was also placed in fundamental doubt” (39, p. 33).

E. Klaaren refers Occam, Bourdin, Orem, Calvin, Bacon, Boyle, Newton to the "voluntarist" line. E. Klaaren believes that the shift from reason to will, “from Logos to law”, characteristic of this trend, occurred not simply as a result of the emergence of secularized epistemological searches, but rather “as a result of liberation from the shackles of ontologized thinking: from logic dressed in being, or, better to say, from the Logos of being, which presupposed the supreme being of God” (39, p. 39).

Concluding the consideration of medieval KM, we emphasize that P.P. Gaidenko, in our opinion, rightly sees in the "theology of will" an important intellectual prerequisite for the formation of ideas about the subject and object of modern science. In Antiquity, she writes, the process of cognition acts as a contemplation of an object by a passive subject, while in modern times the subject actively constructs the object. How and why did this radical upheaval take place? Apparently, it was prepared for a long time, and the Christian doctrine of nature as created by God from nothing and of man as an active-volitional subject of action played an important role in this preparation” (11, p. 427).

What is the future fate of the Augustinian "theology of the will"? In the 16th-17th centuries, in the era of the active decomposition of feudalism and powerful anti-scholastic movements, it takes on a new life in the ideologies of Lutheranism, Calvinism, Jansenism, becoming a means of expressing the early bourgeois attitude to the world. We are now moving on to an analysis of the pictures of the world created by these ideologies. The framework of the review does not allow us to consider the pantheistic in spirit of the CM of the Renaissance and compare it with the CM of the Reformation. Therefore, we refer the reader to a meaningful analysis.
Lisa of the Renaissance image of the world in the works of A.Kh. Gorfunkel, P.P. Gaidenko, M.T. Petrov, as well as a number of foreign authors (33; 34; 40; 44; 47; 49; 52).

In this regard, we emphasize the following. The revival gave European culture a significant fruit. Thanks to the efforts of the humanists, thanks to the Great geographical discoveries, the boundaries of the medieval world were dramatically expanded. All this, as A.Kh. Gorfunkel, allowed "to reconsider the unshakable principles of the scholastic picture of the world"

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